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　　　　As　between　the　different　districts　of　one　and　the　same　country；



so　does　the　division　of　labour　and　the　co…operation　of　the



productive　powers　operate　between　the　various　nations　of　the　earth。



The　former　is　conducted　by　internal　or　national；　the　latter　by



international　commerce。　The　international　co…operation　of



productive　powers　is；　however；　a　very　imperfect　one；　inasmuch　as　it



may　be　frequently　interrupted　by　wars；　political　regulations；



commercial　crises；　&c。　Although　it　is　the　most　important　in　one



sense；　inasmuch　as　by　it　the　various　nations　of　the　earth　are



connected　with　one　another；　it　is　nevertheless　the　least　important



with　regard　to　the　prosperity　of　any　separate　nation　which　is



already　far　advanced　in　civilisation。　This　is　admitted　by　writers



of　the　popular　school；　who　declare　that　the　home　market　of　a　nation



is　without　comparison　more　important　than　its　foreign　market。　It



follows　from　this；　that　it　is　the　interest　of　every　great　nation　to



make　the　national　confederation　of　its　productive　powers　the　main



object　of　its　exertions；　and　to　consider　their　international



confederation　as　second　in　importance　to　it。



　　　　Both　international　and　national　division　of　labour　are　chiefly



determined　by　climate　and　by　Nature　herself。　We　cannot　produce　in



every　country　tea　as　in　China；　spices　as　in　Java；　cotton　as　in



Louisiana；　or　corn；　wool；　fruit；　and　manufactured　goods　as　in　the



countries　of　the　temperate　zone。　It　would　be　folly　for　a　nation　to



attempt　to　supply　itself　by　means　of　national　division　of　labour



（i。e。　by　home　production）　with　articles　for　the　production　of　which



it　is　not　favoured　by　nature；　and　which　it　can　procure　better　and



cheaper　by　means　of　international　division　of　labour　（i。e。　through



foreign　commerce）。　And　just　as　much　does　it　betoken　a　want　of



national　intelligence　or　national　industry　if　a　nation　does　not



employ　all　the　natural　powers　which　it　possesses　in　order　to



satisfy　its　own　internal　wants；　and　then　by　means　of　the　surplus　of



its　own　productions　to　purchase　those　necessary　articles　which



nature　has　forbidden　it　to　produce　on　its　own　territory。



　　　　The　countries　of　the　world　most　favoured　by　nature；　with　regard



to　both　national　and　international　division　of　labour；　are



evidently　those　whose　soil　brings　forth　the　most　common　necessaries



of　life　of　the　best　quality　and　in　the　largest　quantity；　and　whose



climate　is　most　conducive　to　bodily　and　mental　exertion；　and　these



are　the　countries　of　the　temperate　zone；　for　in　these　countries　the



manufacturing　power　especially　prospers；　by　means　of　which　the



nation　not　merely　attains　to　the　highest　degree　of　mental　and



social　development　and　of　political　power；　but　is　also　enabled　to



make　the　countries　of　tropical　climates　and　of　inferior



civilisation　tributary　in　a　certain　measure　to　itself。　The



countries　of　the　temperate　zone　therefore　are　above　all　others



called　upon　to　bring　their　own　national　division　of　labour　to　the



highest　perfection；　and　to　use　the　international　division　of　labour



for　their　enrichment。







NOTES：







1。　Wealth　of　Nations；　Book　I。　chap。　i。







2。　Wealth　of　Nations；　Book　I。　chap。　i。







Chapter　14







Private　Economy　and　National　Economy











　　　　We　have　proved　historically　that　the　unity　of　the　nation　forms



the　fundamental　condition　of　lasting　national　prosperity；　and　we



have　shown　that　only　where　the　interest　of　individuals　has　been



subordinated　to　those　of　the　nation；　and　where　successive



generations　have　striven　for　one　and　the　same　object；　the　nations



have　been　brought　to　harmonious　development　of　their　productive



powers；　and　how　little　private　industry　can　prosper　without　the



united　efforts　both　of　the　individuals　who　are　living　at　the　time；



and　of　successive　generations　directed　to　one　common　object。　We



have　further　tried　to　prove　in　the　last　chapter　how　the　law　of



union　of　powers　exhibits　its　beneficial　operation　in　the　individual



manufactory；　and　how　it　acts　with　equal　power　on　the　industry　of



whole　nations。　In　the　present　chapter　we　have　now　to　demonstrate



how　the　popular　school　has　concealed　its　misunderstanding　of　the



national　interests　and　of　the　effects　of　national　union　of　powers；



by　confounding　the　principles　of　private　economy　with　those　of



national　economy。



　　　　'What　is　prudence　in　the　conduct　of　every　private　family；'　says



Adam　Smith；（1*）　'can　scarce　be　folly　in　that　of　a　great　kingdom。'



Every　individual　in　pursuing　his　own　interests　necessarily　promotes



thereby　also　the　interests　of　the　community。　It　is　evident　that



every　individual；　inasmuch　as　he　knows　his　own　local　circumstances



best　and　pays　most　attention　to　his　occupation；　is　far　better　able



to　judge　than　the　statesman　or　legislator　how　his　capital　can　most



profitably　be　invested。　He　who　would　venture　to　give　advice　to　the



people　how　to　invest　their　capital　would　not　merely　take　upon



himself　a　useless　task；　but　would　also　assume　to　himself　an



authority　which　belongs　solely　to　the　producer；　and　which　can　be



entrusted　to　those　persons　least　of　all　who　consider　themselves



equal　to　so　difficult　a　task。　Adam　Smith　concludes　from　this：



'Restrictions　on　trade　imposed　on　the　behalf　of　the　internal



industry　of　a　country；　are　mere　folly；　every　nation；　like　every



individual；　ought　to　buy　articles　where　they　can　be　procured　the



cheapest；　in　order　to　attain　to　the　highest　degree　of　national



prosperity；　we　have　simply　to　follow　the　maxim　of　letting　things



alone　（laisser　faire　et　laisser　aller）。'　Smith　and　Say　compare　a



nation　which　seeks　to　promote　its　industry　by　protective　duties；　to



a　tailor　who　wants　to　make　his　own　boots；　and　to　a　bootmaker　who



would　impose　a　toll　on　those　who　enter　his　door；　in　order　to



promote　his　prosperity。　As　in　all　errors　of　the　popular　school；　so



also　in　this　one　does　Thomas　Cooper　go　to　extremes　in　his　book（2*）



which　is　directed　against　the　American　system　of　protection。



'Political　economy；'　he　alleges；　'is　almost　synonymous　with　the



private　economy　of　all　individuals；　politics　are　no　essential



ingredient　of　political　economy；　it　is　folly　to　suppose　that　the



community　is　something　quite　different　from　the　individuals　of　whom



it　is　composed。　Every　individual　knows　best　how　to　invest　his



labour　and　his　capital。　The　wealth　of　the　community　is　nothing　else



than　the　aggregate　of　the　wealth　of　all　its　individual　members；　and



if　every　individual　can　provide　best　for　himself；　that　nation　must



be　the　richest　in　which　every　individual　is　most　left　to　himself。'



The　adherents　of　the　American　system　of　protection　had　opposed



themselves　to　this　argument；　which　had　formerly　been　adduced　by



importing　merchants　in　favour　of　free　trade；　the　American



navigation　laws　had　greatly　increased　the　carrying　trade；　the



foreign　commerce；　and　fisheries　of　the　United　States；　and　for　the



mere　protection　of　their　mercantile　marine　millions　had　been



annually　expended　on　their　fleet；　according　to　his　theory　those



laws　and　this　expense　also　would　be　as　reprehensible　as　protective



duties。　'　In　any　case；'　exclaims　Mr　Cooper；　'no　commerce　by　sea　is



worth　a　naval　war；　the　merchants　may　be　left　to　protect



themselves。'



　　　　Thus　the　popular　school；　which　had　begun　by　ignoring　the



principles　of　nationality　and　national　interests；　finally　comes　to



the　point　of　altogether　denying　their　existence；　and　of　leaving



individuals　to　defend　them　as　they　may　solely　by　their　own



individual　powers。



　　　　How？　Is　the　wisdom　of　private　economy；　also　wisdom　in　national



economy？　Is　it　in　the　nature　of　individuals　to　take　into



consideration　the　wants　of　future　centuries；　as　those　concern　the



nature　of　the　nation　and　the　State？　Let　us　consider　only　the　first



beginning　of　an　American　town；　every　individual　left　to　himself



would　care　merely　for　his　own　wants；　or　at　the　most　for　those　of



his　nearest　successors；　whereas　all　individuals　united　in　one



community　provide　for　the　convenience　and　the　wants　of　the　most



distant　generations；　they　subject　the　present　generation　for　this



object　to　privations　and　sacrifices　which　no　reasonable　person



could　expect　from　individuals。　Can　the　individual　further　take　into



consideration　in　promoting　his　private　economy；　the　defence　of　the



country；　public　security　and　the　thousand　other　objects　which　can



only　be　attained　by　the　aid　of　the　whole　community？　Does　not　the



State　require　individuals　to　limit　their　private　liberty　according