the anti-slavery crusade-第9部分

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unce　in　public　their　own　conduct　unless　their　action　results　in　some　effort　toward　corrective　measures。　Professor　Thomas　Dew；　of　the　chair　of　history　and　metaphysics　in　William　and　Mary　College　and　later　President　of　the　College；　published　an　essay　reviewing　the　debate　in　the　Legislature　and　arguing　that　any　plan　for　emancipation　in　Virginia　was　either　undesirable　or　impossible。　This　essay　was　among　the　first　of　the　direct　pro…slavery　arguments。　Statements　in　support　of　the　view　soon　followed。　In　1885　the　Governor　of　South　Carolina　in　a　message　to　the　Legislature　said；　〃Domestic　slavery　is　the　corner…stone　of　our　republican　edifice。〃　Senator　Calhoun；　speaking　in　the　Senate　two　years　later；　declared　slavery　to　be　a　positive　good。　W。　G。　Simms；　Southern　poet　and　novelist；　writing　in　1852；　felicitates　himself　as　being　among　the　first　who　about　fifteen　years　earlier　advocated　slavery　as　a　great　good　and　a　blessing。　Harriet　Martineau；　an　English　author　who　traveled　extensively　in　the　South　in　1885；　found　few　slaveholders　who　justified　the　institution　as　being　in　itself　just。　But　after　the　debates　in　the　Virginia　Legislature；　there　were　few　owners　of　slaves　who　publicly　advocated　abolition。　The　spirit　of　mob　violence　had　set　in；　and；　contrary　to　the　utterances　of　Virginia　statesmen；　free　speech　on　the　subject　of　slavery　was　suppressed　in　the　slave　States。　This　did　not　mean　that　Southern　statesmen　had　lost　the　power　to　perceive　the　evil　effects　of　slavery　or　that　they　were　convinced　that　their　former　views　were　erroneous。　It　meant　simply　that　they　had　failed　to　agree　upon　a　policy　of　gradual　emancipation；　and　the　only　recourse　left　seemed　to　be　to　follow　the　example　of　James　G。　Birney　and　leave　the　South　or　to　submit　in　silence　to　the　new　order。

CHAPTER　V。　THE　VINDICATION　OF　LIBERTY　With　the　changed　attitude　of　the　South　towards　emancipation　there　was　associated　an　active　hostility　to　dearly　bought　human　liberty。　Freedom　of　speech；　freedom　of　the　press；　freedom　of　worship；　the　right　of　assembly；　trial　by　jury；　the　right　of　petition；　free　use　of　the　mails；　and　numerous　other　fundamental　human　rights　were　assailed。　Birney　and　other　abolitionists　who　had　immediate　knowledge　of　slavery　early　perceived　that　the　real　question　at　issue　was　quite　as　much　the　continued　liberty　of　the　white　man　as　it　was　the　liberation　of　the　black　man　and　that　the　enslavement　of　one　race　involved　also　the　ultimate　essential　enslavement　of　the　other。　In　1831　two　slave　States　and　six　free　States　still　extended　to　free　negroes　the　right　to　vote。　During　the　pro…slavery　crusade　these　privileges　disappeared；　and　not　only　so；　but　free　negroes　were　banished　from　certain　States；　or　were　not　permitted　to　enter　them；　or　were　allowed　to　remain　only　by　choosing　a　white　man　for　a　guardian。　It　was　made　a　crime　to　teach　negroes；　whether　slaves　or　free　men；　to　read　and　write。　Under　various　pretexts　free　negroes　were　reduced　to　slavery。　Freedom　of　worship　was　denied　to　negroes；　and　they　were　not　allowed　to　assemble　for　any　purpose　except　under　the　strict　surveillance　of　white　men。　Negro　testimony　in　a　court　of　law　was　invalid　where　the　rights　of　a　white　man　were　involved。　The　right　of　a　negro　to　his　freedom　was　decided　by　an　arbitrary　court　without　a　jury；　while　the　disputed　right　of　a　white　man　to　the　ownership　of　a　horse　was　conditioned　by　the　safeguard　of　trial　by　jury。　The　maintenance　of　such　policies　carries　with　it　of　necessity　the　suppression　of　free　discussion。　When　Southern　leaders　adopted　the　policy　of　defending　slavery　as　a　righteous　institution；　abolitionists　in　the　South　either　emigrated　to　the　North　or　were　silenced。　In　either　case　they　were　deprived　of　a　fundamental　right。　The　spirit　of　persecution　followed　them　into　the　free　States。　Birney　could　not　publish　his　paper　in　Kentucky；　nor　even　at　Cincinnati；　save　at　the　risk　of　his　life。　Elijah　Lovejoy　was　not　allowed　to　publish　his　paper　in　Missouri；　and；　when　he　persisted　in　publishing　it　in　Illinois；　he　was　brutally　murdered。　Even　in　Boston　it　required　men　of　courage　and　determination　to　meet　and　organize　an　anti…slavery　society　in　1832；　though　only　a　few　years　earlier　Benjamin　Lundy　had　traveled　freely　through　the　South　itself　delivering　anti…slavery　lectures　and　organizing　scores　of　such　societies。　The　New　York　Anti…Slavery　Society　was　secretly　organized　in　1832　in　spite　of　the　opposition　of　a　determined　mob。　Mob　violence　was　everywhere　rife。　Meetings　were　broken　up；　negro　quarters　attacked；　property　destroyed；　murders　committed。　Fair…minded　men　became　abolitionists　on　account　of　the　crusade　against　the　rights　of　white　men　quite　as　much　as　from　their　interest　in　the　rights　of　negroes。　Salmon　P。　Chase　of　Ohio　was　led　to　espouse　the　cause　by　observing　the　attacks　upon　the　freedom　of　the　press　in　Cincinnati。　Gerrit　Smith　witnessed　the　breaking　up　of　an　anti…slavery　meeting　in　Utica；　New　York；　and　thereafter　consecrated　his　time；　his　talents；　and　his　great　wealth　to　the　cause　of　liberty。　Wendell　Phillips　saw　Garrison　in　the　hands　of　a　Boston　mob；　and　that　experience　determined　him　to　make　common　cause　with　the　martyr。　And　the　murder　of　Lovejoy　in　1837　made　many　active　abolitionists。　It　is　difficult　to　imagine　a　more　inoffensive　practice　than　giving　to　negro　girls　the　rudiments　of　an　education。　Yet　a　school　for　this　purpose；　taught　by　Miss　Prudence　Crandall　in　Canterbury；　Connecticut；　was　broken　up　by　persistent　persecution；　a　special　act　of　the　Legislature　being　passed　for　the　purpose；　forbidding　the　teaching　of　negroes　from　outside　the　State　without　the　consent　of　the　town　authorities。　Under　this　act　Miss　Crandall　was　arrested；　convicted；　and　imprisoned。　Having　eliminated　free　discussion　from　the　South；　the　Southern　States　sought　to　accomplish　the　same　object　in　the　North。　In　pursuance　of　a　resolution　of　the　Legislature；　the　Governor　of　Georgia　offered　a　reward　of　five　thousand　dollars　to　any　one　who　should　arrest；　bring　to　trial；　and　prosecute　to　conviction　under　the　laws　of　Georgia　the　editor　of　the　Liberator。　R。　G。　Williams；　publishing　agent　for　the　American　Anti…Slavery　Society；　was　indicted　by　a　grand　jury　of　Tuscaloosa　County；　Alabama；　and　Governor　Gayle　of　Alabama　made　a　requisition　on　Governor　Marcy　of　New　York　for　his　extradition。　Williams　had　never　been　in　Alabama。　His　offense　consisted　in　publishing　in　the　New　York　Emancipator　a　few　rather　mild　utterances　against　slavery。　Governor　McDuffie　of　South　Carolina　in　an　official　message　declared　that　slavery　was　the　very　corner…stone　of　the　republic；　adding　that　the　laboring　population　of　any　country；　〃bleached　or　unbleached；〃　was　a　dangerous　element　in　the　body　politic；　and　predicting　that　within　twenty…five　years　the　laboring　people　of　the　North　would　be　virtually　reduced　to　slavery。　Referring　to　abolitionists；　he　said：　〃The　laws　of　every　community　should　punish　this　species　of　interference　with　death　without　benefit　of　clergy。〃　Pursuant　to　the　Governor's　recommendation；　the　Legislature　adopted　a　resolution　calling　upon　non…slaveholding　States　to　pass　laws　to　suppress　promptly　and　effectively　all　abolition　societies。　In　nearly　all　the　slave　States　similar　resolutions　were　adopted；　and　concerted　action　against　anti…slavery　effort　was　undertaken。　During　the　winter　of　1835　and　1836；　the　Governors　of　the　free　States　received　these　resolutions　from　the　South　and；　instead　of　resenting　them　as　an　uncalled…for　interference　with　the　rights　of　free　commonwealths；　they　treated　them　with　respect。　Edward　Everett；　Governor　of　Massachusetts；　in　his　message　presenting　the　Southern　documents　to　the　Legislature；　said：　〃Whatever　by　direct　and　necessary　operation　is　calculated　to　excite　an　insurrection　among　the　slaves　has　been　held；　by　highly　respectable　legal　authority；　an　offense　against　this　Commonwealth　which　may　be　prosecuted　as　a　misdemeanor　at　common　law。〃　Governor　Marcy　of　New　York；　in　a　like　document；　declared　that　〃without　the　power　to　pass　such　laws　the　States　would　not　possess　all　the　necessary　means　for　preserving　their　external　relations　of　peace　among　themselves。〃　Even　before　the　Southern　requests　reached　Rhode　Island；　the　Legislature　had　under　consideration　a　bill　to　suppress　abolition　societies。　When　a　committee　of　the　Massachusetts　Legislature　had　been　duly　organized　to　consider　the　documents　received　from　the　slave　States；　the　abolitionists　requested　the　privilege　of　a　hearing　before　the　committee。　Receiving　no　reply；　they　proceeded　to　formulate　a　statement　of　their　case；　but　before　they　could　publish　it；　they　were　invited　to　appear　before　the　joint　committee　of　the　two　houses。　The　public　had　been　aroused　by　the　issue　and　there　was　a　large　audience。　The　case　for　the　abolitionists　was　stated　by　their　ablest　speakers；　among　whom　was　William　Lloyd　Garrison。　They　labored　to　convince　the　committee　that　their　utterances　were　not　incendiary；　and　that　any　legislative　censure　directed　against　them　would　be　an　encouragement　to　mob　violence　and　the　persecution　which　was　already　their　lot。　After　the　defensive　arguments　had　been　fully　presented；　William　Goodell　took　the　floor　and　proceeded　to　charge　upon　the　Southern　States　which　had　made　these　demands　a　conspiracy　against　the　liberties　of　the　North。　In　the　midst　of　great　excitement　and　many　interruptions　by　the　chairman　of　the　co