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themselves　the　very　same　monopoly；　and　those　who　belong　to　us　are



merely　thereby　put　on　the　same　footing　with　them。　It　is　neither　a



privilege　to　the　exclusive　advantage　of　the　producers；　nor　to　the



exclusive　disadvantage　of　the　consumers；　for　if　the　producers　at



first　obtain　higher　prices；　they　run　great　risks；　and　have　to



contend　against　those　considerable　losses　and　sacrifices　which　are



always　connected　with　all　beginnings　in　manufacturing　industry。　But



the　consumers　have　ample　security　that　these　extraordinary　profits



shall　not　reach　unreasonable　limits；　or　become　perpetual；　by　means



of　the　competition　at　home　which　follows　later　on；　and　which；　as　a



rule；　always　lowers　prices　further　than　the　level　at　which　they　had



steadily　ranged　under　the　free　competition　of　the　foreigner。　If　the



agriculturists；　who　are　the　most　important　consumers　to　the



manufacturers；　must　also　pay　higher　prices；　this　disadvantage　will



be　amply　repaid　to　them　by　increased　demands　for　agricultural



products；　and　by　increased　prices　obtained　for　the　latter。



　　　　It　is　a　further　sophism；　arrived　at　by　confounding　the　theory



of　mere　values　with　that　of　the　powers　of　production；　when　the



popular　school　infers　from　the　doctrine；　'that　the　wealth　of　the



nation　is　merely　the　aggregate　of　the　wealth　of　all　individuals　in



it；　and　that　the　private　interest　of　every　individual　is　better



able　than　all　State　regulations　to　incite　to　production　and



accumulation　of　wealth；'　the　conclusion　that　the　national　industry



would　prosper　best　if　only　every　individual　were　left　undisturbed



in　the　occupation　of　accumulating　wealth。　That　doctrine　can　be



conceded　without　the　conclusion　resulting　from　it　at　which　the



school　desires　thus　to　arrive；　for　the　point　in　question　is　not　（as



we　have　shown　in　a　previous　chapter）　that　of　immediately　increasing



by　commercial　restrictions　the　amount　of　the　values　of　exchange　in



the　nation；　but　of　increasing　the　amount　of　its　productive　powers。



But　that　the　aggregate　of　the　productive　powers　of　the　nation　is



not　synonymous　with　the　aggregate　of　the　productive　powers　of　all



individuals；　each　considered　separately　　that　the　total　amount　of



these　powers　depends　chiefly　on　social　and　Political　conditions；



but　especially　on　the　degree　in　which　the　nation　has　rendered



effectual　the　division　of　labour　and　the　confederation　of　the



powers　of　production　within　itself　　we　believe　we　have



sufficiently　demonstrated　in　the　preceding　chapters。



　　　　This　system　everywhere　takes　into　its　consideration　only



individuals　who　are　in　free　unrestrained　intercourse　among



themselves；　and　who　are　contented　if　we　leave　everyone　to　pursue



his　own　private　interests　according　to　his　own　private　natural



inclination。　This　is　evidently　not　a　system　of　national　economy；



but　a　system　of　the　private　economy　of　the　human　race；　as　that



would　constitute　itself　were　there　no　interference　on　the　part　of



any　Government；　were　there　no　wars；　no　hostile　foreign　tariff



restrictions。　Nowhere　do　the　advocates　of　that　system　care　to　point



out　by　what　means　those　nations　which　are　now　prosperous　have



raised　themselves　to　that　stage　of　power　and　prosperity　which　we



see　them　maintain；　and　from　what　causes　others　have　lost　that



degree　of　prosperity　and　power　which　they　formerly　maintained。　We



can　only　learn　from　it　how　in　private　industry；　natural　ability；



labour　and　capital；　are　combined　in　order　to　bring　into　exchange



valuable　products；　and　in　what　manner　these　latter　are　distributed



among　the　human　race　and　consumed　by　it。　But　what　means　are　to　be



adopted　in　order　to　bring　the　natural　powers　belonging　to　any



individual　nation　into　activity　and　value；　to　raise　a　poor　and　weak



nation　to　prosperity　and　power；　cannot　be　gathered　from　it；　because



the　school　totally　ignoring　politics；　ignores　the　special



conditions　of　the　nation；　and　concerns　itself　merely　about　the



prosperity　of　the　whole　human　race。　Wherever　international　commerce



is　in　question；　the　native　individual　is　throughout　simply　pitted



against　the　foreign　individual；　examples　from　the　private　dealings



of　separate　merchants　are　throughout　the　only　ones　adduced　　goods



are　spoken　of　in　general　terms　（without　considering　whether　the



question　is　one　of　raw　products　or　of　manufactured　articles）　　in



order　to　prove　that　it　is　equally　for　the　benefit　of　the　nation



whether　its　exports　and　imports　consist　of　money；　of　raw　materials；



or　of　manufactured　goods；　and　whether　or　not　they　balance　one



another。　If　we；　for　example；　terrified　at　the　commercial　crises



which　prevail　in　the　United　States　of　North　America　like　native



epidemics；　consult　this　theory　as　to　the　means　of　averting　or



diminishing　them；　it　leaves　us　utterly　without　comfort　or



instruction；　nay；　it　is　indeed　impossible　for　us　to　investigate



these　phenomena　scientifically；　because；　under　the　penalty　of　being



taken　for　muddleheads　and　ignoramuses；　we　must　not　even　utter　the



term　'balance　of　trade；'　while　this　term　is；　notwithstanding；　made



use　of　in　all　legislative　assemblies；　in　all　bureaux　of



administration；　on　every　exchange。　For　the　sake　of　the　welfare　of



humanity；　the　belief　is　inculcated　on　us　that　exports　always



balance　themselves　spontaneously　by　imports；　notwithstanding　that



we　read　in　public　accounts　how　the　Bank　of　England　comes　to　the



assistance　of　the　nature　of　things；　notwithstanding　that　corn　laws



exist；　which　make　it　somewhat　difficult　for　the　agriculturist　of



those　countries　which　deal　with　England　to　pay　with　his　own　produce



for　the　manufactured　goods　which　he　consumes。



　　　　The　school　recognises　no　distinction　between　nations　which　have



attained　a　higher　degree　of　economical　development；　and　those　which



occupy　a　lower　stage。　Everywhere　it　seeks　to　exclude　the　action　of



the　power　of　the　State；　everywhere；　according　to　it；　will　the



individual　be　so　much　better　able　to　produce；　the　less　the　power　of



the　State　concerns　itself　for　him。　In　fact；　according　to　this



doctrine　savage　nations　ought　to　be　the　most　productive　and　wealthy



of　the　earth；　for　nowhere　is　the　individual　left　more　to　himself



than　in　the　savage　state；　nowhere　is　the　action　of　the　power　of　the



State　less　perceptible。



　　　　Statistics　and　history；　however；　teach；　on　the　contrary；　that



the　necessity　for　the　intervention　of　legislative　power　and



administration　is　everywhere　more　apparent；　the　further　the　economy



of　the　nation　is　developed。　As　individual　liberty　is　in　general　a



good　thing　so　long　only　as　it　does　not　run　counter　to　the　interests



of　society；　so　is　it　reasonable　to　hold　that　private　industry　can



only　lay　claim　to　unrestricted　action　so　long　as　the　latter



consists　with　the　well…being　of　the　nation。　But　whenever　the



enterprise　and　activity　of　individuals　does　not　suffice　for　this



purpose；　or　in　any　case　where　these　might　become　injurious　to　the



nation；　there　does　private　industry　rightly　require　support　from



the　whole　power　of　the　nation；　there　ought　it　for　the　sake　of　its



own　interests　to　submit　to　legal　restrictions。



　　　　If　the　school　represents　the　free　competition　of　all　producers



as　the　most　effectual　means　for　promoting　the　prosperity　of　the



human　race；　it　is　quite　right　from　the　point　of　view　which　it



assumes。　On　the　hypothesis　of　a　universal　union；　every　restriction



on　the　honest　exchange　of　goods　between　various　countries　seems



unreasonable　and　injurious。　But　so　long　as　other　nations



Subordinate　the　interests　of　the　human　race　as　a　whole　to　their



national　interests；　it　is　folly　to　speak　of　free　competition　among



the　individuals　of　various　nations。　The　arguments　of　the　school　in



favour　of　free　competition　are　thus　only　applicable　to　the　exchange



between　those　who　belong　to　one　and　the　same　nation。　Every　great



nation；　therefore；　must　endeavour　to　form　an　aggregate　within



itself；　which　will　enter　into　commercial　intercourse　with　other



similar　aggregates　so　far　only　as　that　intercourse　is　Suitable　to



the　interests　of　its　own　special　community。　These　interests　of　the



community　are；　however；　infinitely　different　from　the　private



interests　of　all　the　separate　individuals　of　the　nation；　if　each



individual　is　to　be　regarded　as　existing　for　himself　alone　and　not



in　the　character　of　a　member　of　the　national　community；　if　we



regard　（as　Smith　and　Say　do）　individuals　as　mere　producers　and



consumers；　not　citizens　of　states　or　members　of　nations；　for　as



such；　mere　individuals　do　not　concern　themselves　for　the　prosperity



of