the writings-6-第14部分
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Herewith is the draft of the bill to compensate any State which may
abolish slavery within its limits； the passage of which；
substantially as presented； I respectfully and earnestly recommend。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled：That whenever the
President of the United States shall be satisfied that any State
shall have lawfully abolished slavery within and through…out such
State； either immediately or gradually； it shall be the duty of the
President； assisted by the Secretary of the Treasury； to prepare and
deliver to each State an amount of six per cent。 interest…bearing
bonds of the United States equal to the aggregate value at ______
dollars per head of all the slaves within such State； as reported by
the census of 1860； the whole amount for any one State to be
delivered at once if the abolishment be immediate； or in equal annual
instalments if it be gradual； interest to begin running on each bond
at the time of delivery； and not before。
And be it further enacted； That if any State； having so received any
such bonds； shall at any time afterwards by law reintroduce or
tolerate slavery within its limits； contrary to the act of
abolishment upon which such bonds shall have been received； said
bonds so received by said State shall at once be null and void； in
whosesoever hands they may be； and such State shall refund to the
United States all interest which may have been paid on such bonds。
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H。 W。 HALLECK。
WAR DEPARTMENT； July 14； 1862。
MAJOR…GENERAL HALLECK； Corinth； Mississippi：
I am very anxiousalmost impatientto have you here。 Have due
regard to what you leave behind。 When can you reach here？
A。 LINCOLN。
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G。 B。 McCLELLAN。
WAR DEPARTMENT； WASHINGTON CITY； July 14； 1862。
MAJOR…GENERAL McCLELLAN：
General Burnside's force is at Newport News； ready to move； on short
notice； one way or the other； when ordered。
A。 LINCOLN。
TO SOLOMON FOOT。
EXECUTIVE MANSION； WASHINGTON； July 15； 1862。
HON。 SOLOMON FOOT； President pro tempore of the Senate。
SIR：… Please inform the Senate that I shall be obliged if they will
postpone the adjournment at least one day beyond the time which I
understand to be now fixed for it。
Your obedient servant；
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
＇The same message was addressed to Hon。 Galusha A。 Grow Speaker of
the House of Representatives。＇
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。
July 17； 1862。
FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES：
I have inadvertently omitted so long to inform you that in March last
Mr。 Cornelius Vanderbilt； of New York； gratuitously presented to the
United States the ocean steamer Vanderbilt； by many esteemed the
finest merchant ship in the world。 She has ever since been and still
is doing valuable service to the government。 For the patriotic act
of making this magnificent and valuable present to the country I
recommend that some suitable acknowledgment be made。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。
July 17； 1862。
FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES：
Considering the bill for 〃An act to suppress insurrection； to punish
treason and rebellion； to seize and confiscate the property of
rebels； and for other purposes；〃 and the joint resolution explanatory
of said act as being substantially one； I have approved and signed
both。
Before I was informed of the passage of the resolution I had prepared
the draft of a message stating objections to the bill becoming a law；
a copy of which draft is herewith transmitted。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES：
I herewith return to your honorable body； in which it originated； the
bill for an act entitled 〃An act to suppress treason and rebellion；
to seize and confiscate the property of rebels； and for other
purposes；〃 together with my objections to its becoming a law。
There is much in the bill to which I perceive no objection。 It is
wholly prospective； and touches neither person nor property of any
loyal citizen； in which particulars it is just and proper。 The first
and second sections provide for the conviction and punishment of
persons Who shall be guilty of treason and persons who shall 〃incite；
set on foot； assist； or engage in any rebellion or insurrection
against the authority of the United States or the laws thereof； or
shall give aid and comfort thereto； or shall engage in or give aid
and comfort to any such existing rebellion or insurrection。〃 By fair
construction persons within these sections are not to be punished
without regular trials in duly constituted courts； under the forms
and all the substantial provisions of law and of the Constitution
applicable to their several cases。 To this I perceive no objection；
especially as such persons would be within the general pardoning
power and also the special provision for pardon and amnesty contained
in this act。
It is also provided that the slaves of persons convicted under these
sections shall be free。 I think there is an unfortunate form of
expression rather than a substantial objection in this。 It is
startling to say that Congress can free a slave within a State； and
yet if it were said the ownership of the slave had first been
transferred to the nation and that Congress had then liberated him
the difficulty would at once vanish。 And this is the real case。 The
traitor against the General Government forfeits his slave at least as
justly as he does any other property； and he forfeits both to the
government against which be offends。 The government； so far as there
can be ownership； thus owns the forfeited slaves； and the question
for Congress in regard to them is； 〃Shall they be made free or be
sold to new masters？〃 I perceive no objection to Congress deciding in
advance that they shall be free。 To the high honor of Kentucky； as
I am informed； she is the owner of some slaves by escheat； and has
sold none； but liberated all。 I hope the same is true of some other
States。 Indeed； I do not believe it will be physically possible for
the General Government to return persons so circumstanced to actual
slavery。 I believe there would be physical resistance to it which
could neither be turned aside by argument nor driven away by force。
In this view I have no objection to this feature of the bill。
Another matter involved in these two sections； and running through
other parts of the act； will be noticed hereafter。
I perceive no objection to the third or fourth sections。
So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth sections； they may be
considered together。 That the enforcement of these sections would do
no injustice to the persons embraced within them； is clear。 That
those who make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the cost of
it； is too obviously just to be called in question。 To give
governmental protection to the property of persons who have abandoned
it； and gone on a crusade to overthrow the same government； is
absurd； if considered in the mere light of justice。 The severest
justice may not always be the best policy。 The principle of seizing
and appropriating the property of the persons embraced within these
sections is certainly not very objectionable； but a justly
discriminating application of it would be very difficult and； to a
great extent； impossible。 And would it not be wise to place a power
of remission somewhere； so that these persons may know they have
something to lose by persisting and something to gain by desisting？
＇A man without hope is a most dangerous manhe has nothing to lose！＇
I am not sure whether such power of remission is or is not in section
thirteen。 Without any special act of Congress； I think our military
commanders； whenin military phrase； 〃they are within the enemy's
country；〃 should； in an orderly manner； seize and use whatever of
real or personal property may be necessary or convenient for their
commands； at the same time preserving； in some way； the evidence of
what they do。
What I have said in regard to slaves； while commenting on the first
and second sections； is applicable to the ninth； with the difference
that no provision is made in the whole act for determining whether a
particular individual slave does or does not fall within the classes
defined in that section。 He is to be free upon certain conditions
but whether those conditions do or do not pertain to him no mode of
ascertaining is provided。 This could be easily supplied。
To the tenth section I make no objection。 The oath therein required
seems to be proper； and the remainder of the section is substantially
identical with a law already existing。
The eleventh
